Climate-Induced Migration a New Normal? A Systematic Research Analysis of the Climate-induced Migration Crisis in Bangladesh

: Today, the contemporary world is witnessing a growing number of individuals facing displacement due to the escalating frequency and intensity of extreme climate events. Devastating disasters such as floods, tornadoes, typhoons, storms, tsunamis, heatwaves, and droughts are causing the displacement of thousands, if not millions, of people globally. As temperatures continue to rise, these extreme events are expected to worsen, leading to rising sea levels, increased droughts, and further displacement of vulnerable populations especially in developing countries. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) highlights a concerning trend, revealing a steady increase in the number of climate refugees forced to leave their homes since 2008. The estimated figure of 318 million people worldwide displaced due to climate change between 2008 and 2021 underscores the urgency of addressing this issue. Regrettably, efforts to address this significant and persistent challenge have been largely limited in both national and international spheres. Climate migrants have often been inadequately protected and their plight insufficiently acknowledged. Additionally, a disconcerting absence of a clear legal classification exists for climate migrants, with the 1951 Refugee Convention failing to encompass their specific circumstances. This paper presents a comprehensive exploration of the climate-induced refugee crisis, with a particular focus on Bangladesh as a case study. By shedding light on the effects of climate change on individuals and society at large, the aim is to draw global attention to the increasingly unacknowledged challenge of climate refugees. Employing a blend of community risk assessment tools, this study adopts an engaged scholarship research paradigm to investigate awareness, vulnerability, adaptation, and resilience-building concerning climate change impacts. The findings of this research underscore the persistence and exacerbation of the climate refugee crisis. Consequently, the paper asserts that it is incumbent upon governments and policymakers worldwide to urgently develop effective policy mechanisms that ensure the protection of global citizens affected by climate change and the recognition of climate refugee status within the UN system. Such mechanisms should facilitate the accommodation and provision of necessary care for climate refugees both within their home countries and abroad. Addressing this pressing issue requires immediate attention and concerted international efforts to safeguard the rights and well-being of those affected by climate-induced displacement.


Introduction
According to the IPCC (2007) "climate change" is defined as a progressive alteration of the Earth's physical circumstances, including changes in air and sea temperatures, sea level rise, variations in precipitation amounts, and seasonal variation. Today, climate change and its associated risks and disasters have become the most significant challenges confronting humanity. In the last decade or two, thousands and millions of displaced persons have become the human face of this problem and this problem is predicted to worsen as the intensity, magnitude, and severity of associated disasters such as droughts, tsunamis, tornadoes, high temperatures, wildfires, and floods become prevalent across the globe. Climate change has accelerated preexisting destructive processes, resulting in new patterns of human migration, worsening existing vulnerability, and fueling a surge of fast and chaotic urbanization (Ali, 1999;IPCC, 2014;Eriksen et al., 2015;McDonnell, 2019). There is a certainty that climate migrants will grow as sea levels rise and temperatures rise, particularly in small island nations, low-lying deltas, and underdeveloped countries (IPCC, 2014;Rana & Ilina, 2021). This movement will exacerbate poverty and cause a shortage of fresh water, housing, food, and energy, resulting in social disparities and hindering the attainment of the much-talked-about sustainable development goals (Shaw et al,.2016). Over the last two decades, academics and practitioners across the globe have recognized a fast-increasing interest in the research study field of climate change, vulnerability, and human migration. As a result, many have acknowledged how critical it is to comprehend the link between climate-induced migration and the consequences this may have on people and society.
Since 2008, an average of 26.4 million people have been forcibly moved worldwide due to floods, windstorms, earthquakes, or droughts (IDMC, 2021). This equates to one person being uprooted every second. The overall number of displaced persons varies significantly from year to year depending on the frequency and size of major natural disasters, but the trend over the past few decades has been upward. Many people have been able to find sanctuary in their own nation, while others have been compelled to travel overseas. It can be deduced with certainty that future "climate refugees" will likely increase due to climate change (Rana & Ilina, 2021). Until recently, human migration was seen to be a strategy for obtaining acceptable livelihood prospects in a new destination while avoiding environmental dangers and vulnerabilities in the origins (Khatun et al., 2021). Globally, hundreds of millions of people are exposed to and vulnerable to a variety of climate catastrophic occurrences, which will likely force millions of people to move away from their homes in the near future. And this rapid relocation of people due to climate change has come to be known by a number of terms including; climate-induced migration (Baldwin et al., 2014), climate-induced internal displacement (Siddiqui et al., 2015), climate-driven displacement (McDonnell, 2019), environmental migration (Priovashini and Mallick, 2021), or simply human displacement (Mallick and Vogt, 2013). Despite diverse terminology and discourses, there is a shared emphasis on emphasizing the impacts of climate change migration and vulnerability. According to Baldwin et al. (2014), the beginnings of climate change-induced migration may be traced back to the 1980s, when scientists and environmentalists predicted that environmental change would result in significant human displacement. As they conclude, the discussion is still ongoing and dominated by futurology, owing to the fact that our knowledge and practices concerning climate-induced migration are mostly hypothetical. Bettini (2014), has stated that "for over two decades, a strong division cleaved the discussion on climateinduced migration, opposing two irreconcilable factions-the maximalist vs the minimalist". Over the last decade or so some researchers have also established the concept of "climate-induced migration as an adaptive strategy" (Teye & Owusu, 2015;McLeman & Smit, 2006;. Many researchers and scientists have also claimed that the ability of any impacted group or person to adapt and deal with vulnerabilities determines whether climate change migration occurs (Yaro et al., 2014;McLeman & Smit, 2006). Across the globe communities that are vulnerable and exposed to climate change impacts are already feeling the effects of climate change, and are turning to various adaptation strategies to ensure their survival and preserve their way of life. Involuntary migration stands out among the many social and economic adaptation strategies, particularly for the weak coastal populations in developing countries (Gray & Mueller, 2006;Rana & Ilina, 2021). Vulnerable families choose their own adaptation techniques and frequently relocate to metropolitan regions when their local administrative authorities fail to handle environmental threats.
Despite the recent increase in research on the impacts of climate change in particular, climate change adaptation, so far, national and international responses to this situation have been minimal, and protection for those impacted has been insufficient. One of the reasons that have been highlighted as the cause for this has been a lack of a precise description for this group of people we are referring to as 'climate refugees', as well as the continued exclusion from the 1951 Refugee Convention (Apap and Capucine, 2019). The latter applies exclusively to persons who are unable or unwilling to seek protection from their home nations because of their race, religion, nationality, participation in a specific social group, or political viewpoint. While the EU as a block has not explicitly recognized climate refugees, it has over recent years expressed the rising concern and has taken steps to help build resilience in countries that may be affected by climate-related stresses (Apap and Capucine, 2019). More so, research on climate-induced migration has been rather stagnant over the years, notably in conceptualizing terms such as "migration as an adaptation mechanism" and exploring the origins, drivers, variables, and dynamics of decision-making in connection to migration or displacements (Rana & Ilina, 2021).
The apparent gap in research on climate-induced migration and its societal impacts, coupled with the absence of a legally binding international instrument within the United Nations (UN) system recognizing and protecting climate-induced migrants as a vulnerable group of individuals, highlights the need for comprehensive policy solutions. These solutions can improve decision-making processes within and between governments and the international community as a whole, in order to effectively address the issue of climate refugees and mitigate potential global ramifications. This research focuses specifically on the intersection of climate change impacts, migration, and adaptation in Bangladesh, utilizing relevant empirical studies to analyze the current trends of climate-induced migration and its consequences. The objective of this literature review is to shed light on the ongoing climate change-induced displacements within and across nations, particularly the challenges faced by vulnerable countries like Bangladesh, and to propose policy recommendations that can address this pressing global issue that has often gone unnoticed.

Materials and Methods
The global impact of the climate change crisis on people's lives and livelihoods necessitates an engaged scholarship research approach to address the numerous uncertainties and questions surrounding this topic. Engaged scholarship emphasizes collaborative and dialogical action research, involving academics, practitioners, and the affected community to gain diverse perspectives and models for understanding the issue at hand (Van de Ven, 2007;Costello and Donellan, 2012). It recognizes that research should not be conducted in isolation but should be a collective endeavor. Therefore, this research study employs a combination of community risk assessment (CRA) tools and participatory approaches, creating an engaged scholarship research paradigm to explore awareness, vulnerability, adaptation, and resilience-building in the face of climate change impacts. Additionally, the study utilizes a desktop research methodology that includes a systematic literature review of primary published reports and statistical and graphical analysis of global climate change trends and impacts, with a specific focus on Bangladesh as the case study. Furthermore, the research incorporates the researcher's firsthand field study analysis and surveys conducted on this topic, particularly in Bangladesh. In summary, this research study recognizes the need for collaboration and engagement with diverse stakeholders to comprehensively address the climate change crisis and utilizes a combination of research approaches, including CRA, participatory methods, literature review, and original field study analysis, to provide valuable insights and recommendations.

Problem Statement
The escalating global climate crisis poses significant challenges, particularly for vulnerable populations in developing countries with limited resources and adaptive capacities. Climate change is projected to have devastating impacts on the lives and livelihoods of many individuals. The rise in extreme temperatures and the increasing intensity, magnitude, and frequency of climate change events will inevitably result in the displacement of numerous people, particularly those residing in coastal areas threatened by rising sea levels. Unfortunately, there remains insufficient attention paid to the consequences of climate-induced migration on individuals and society as a whole, especially in developing nations like Bangladesh. Recent data from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) indicates a steady increase in the number of climate-induced refugees since 2008, with an estimated 318 million individuals worldwide being forced to flee their homes due to climate change between 2008 and 2021(IDCM, 2019). However, it is disheartening to observe that over the past two decades, national and international solutions to address this pressing issue have been largely limited. The protection and support provided to those affected have been inadequate and often overlooked. Furthermore, the lack of a clear legal classification for this population is deeply concerning. The existing 1951 Refugee Convention does not encompass the needs of climate-induced refugees. The convention primarily covers individuals who face persecution based on their political, social, racial, or religious affiliations and are unable or unwilling to seek protection from their own governments. This paper aims to shed light on the climate-induced refugee crisis, focusing on the case study of Bangladesh and the wideranging effects it has on individuals and society at large. The ultimate objective is to raise awareness globally about the climate refugee crisis and emphasize the urgent need to find comprehensive solutions to this increasingly overlooked challenge of our time.

Climate-Induced Migration in Context
Considering losing one's house or livelihood as a result of a disastrous flood, going hungry as a result of a poor harvest, or a drought. Or being forced to evacuate one's house as a result of widespread desertification, increasing sea levels, or a shortage of safe drinking water is hard to imagine, and yet this is the harsh reality for millions of climate migrants or refugees living on the frontlines of the climate crisis. Climate change is real to them, and it is happening right now. Their numbers will expand tremendously as the threat of climate change grows globally.
A widely held belief that is gaining hold is that migration caused by climate change has the potential to turn into a worldwide disaster by uprooting a sizable population from their homes and compelling them to escape. The "potential for population movement" as a result of an increase in the regions impacted by droughts and an increase in the intensity of tropical storm activity was noted in the IPCC's fourth assessment report (IPCC, 2007). People may move both inside the nation and even across international boundaries as a result of climate change and its effects, which include the escalation of natural catastrophes and coastal flooding brought on by sea level rise. Particularly, it is likely that a sizable number of individuals will be uprooted from their homes, either temporarily or permanently (Stern, 2007;Panda, 2010). Climate change-induced mass migration may have severe repercussions such as a growing humanitarian crisis, fast urbanization with attendant slum expansion, and delayed development. This may necessitate national governments and international organizations planning for the relocation and resettlement of impacted populations inside their own nations, as well as immigration from other countries (Panda, 2010).
Discussions about the relationship between climate change and migration frequently allude to the debates that have taken place during the last two decades about environmental refugees or environmental migrants (Kniventon et al, 2008). Lester Brown of the World Watch Institute pioneered the notion of environmental refugees in the 1970s (Black, 2001). El-Hinnawi (1985) and Jacobson (1985) investigations later popularized the notion. Their research concentrated on forced migration caused by environmental deterioration and natural calamities. Myers &Kent (1995) andNorman Myers (1995) are two of the most well-known researchers on environmental refugees (1993,1997,2002,2005). Myers feels that the problem of environmental refugees "promises to rank as one of the most pressing human rights issues." (Myers, 1997). According to him, millions of people are being forced to leave their homes due to environmental change and the natural and man-made calamities that are linked with it. Sooner or later, they may seek shelter in neighboring countries or even far away countries (Panda, 2010;Sakapaji, 2021).
In the past traditional migration theory has had the idea that economics drives migrant decisionmaking. However, for centuries natural catastrophes throughout the world spurred migration, which is not a new phenomenon in human mobility but has become more wellrecognized in recent years and will be more prominent as climate change catastrophes increase in magnitude and intensity (Panda, 2010;Shaw et al.,2016). In the last two decades, we have observed several examples across the globe where people have been forcefully displaced by climate-related catastrophes indicating the urgency and need to take the climate crisis seriously.
For example, in November 2020, when two category 4 hurricanes hit Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, thousands fled across the border into Mexico and on to the United States, fleeing catastrophic rains and landslides that forced them to lose their homes, livelihoods, and access to clean water. Similarly, Cyclone Nargis (2008) in Myanmar and earthquakes in Sichuan, China both temporarily displaced almost 17.4 million people (IFRC, 2008).
Another example is the 2005 Hurricane Katrina in the US which affected approximately 1.5 million people temporarily, and an estimated 300,000 permanently (Shaw, 2016). Since June 2022, Pakistan's long-lasting and intense monsoon rains have been responsible for more than 1,700 fatalities. Roads, bridges, and buildings were destroyed by landslides and flash floods. They were completely cut off from assistance in several communities. More than 33 million people have been impacted by the floods, according to the Pakistani government, which has issued a state of emergency. Millions of people had to flee their houses and are now either homeless or staying in shelters for the temporarily displaced. They seldom ever have access to potable water. Their crops were damaged, food is in short supply, and starvation is imminent. Several weeks after the tragedy, things are still tense since most of southern Pakistan is still underwater. Already, infectious illnesses in these areas where there is stagnant water are thriving. The rise of cholera, malaria, typhoid, and diarrhea is putting even more lives at peril (Rana & Ilina, 2021). The tragedy that follows the disaster is imminent. The recent devastating earthquakes in parts of Turkey and Syria are yet examples of disasters that we must anticipate as the climate crisis becomes inevitable. Around 50,000 people have died as a result of the 7.8-magnitude earthquake that rocked Turkey and Syria and around 2.2 million people have been uprooted, 1.9 million of them have migrated outside of Turkey's earthquakeaffected regions. And this is the reality of the climate change catastrophe that we have to grapple with. It has been estimated that by 2050, a significant number of people will have moved away from their own lands to different regions of the planet due to the frequency and magnitude of climate-related catastrophes (IDCM, 2021). Since 2008, an annual average of 21.5 million people has been forcefully displaced by weather-related catastrophes such as floods, storms, wildfires, and severe temperatures, according to the UNHCR, the UN's refugee agency. These figures are anticipated to rise in the following decades, with the international economic and peace (IEP) forecasting that 1.2 billion people would be relocated globally by 2050 as a result of climate change and natural disasters.
The IPCC Assessment Report (2007) discusses natural disasters and the ensuing forced migration, and it implies that such a development might boost migration to a new scale.
According to Brown (2007), environmentally driven migration might affect 3% of the world's population in the next four decades. Fernando et al., (2010) have indicated that certain parts of the world, such as the Middle and far East, including India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, may face severe consequences from environmentally induced migration due to the vulnerability of these countries to climate change impacts coupled with their large populations and relative poverty levels. In the same vein, the German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU) a body that has significantly studied environmental change in the form of drought, deserts, flooding, cyclones, and other kinds of water shortages has predicted that climate change-related challenges will affect up to one-third of the world's population, causing vulnerable groups of people to migrate to other regions in search of other livelihoods (Kolmannskog, 2008;Shaw et al., 2016).

The Complexity of Defining Climate Migrants or Refugees
Although displacement brought about by climate stress has well been documented over the years, there is still no agreement on what constitutes "climate migrants or refugees." Without an agreed-on definition, it is very difficult to find out who can be categorized as an environmental refugee. The difficulty of defining "climate migrants or refugees" while simultaneously taking into consideration pre-existing rhetoric around the Refugee Convention of 1951 and prior attempts to define "environmental refugees" is one of the major obstacles to ensuring protection for persons who have been displaced due to climate change (Apap and Capucine, 2019). In 2020, Isabel Borges, a professor and researcher at the Norwegian Business School and University of Oslo, stated during a European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) hearing that "The lack of an accurate definition of what constitutes a person displaced by environmental factors has resulted in the inability to measure exactly the number of existing and potential displacement flows." Even though the term "environmental refugees" has been in use since the 1970s progress towards enshrining this group of people into a legally binding instrument under the UN hospice has been slow. In 1985, Essam El-Hinnawi of the UNEP defined "environmental refugees" as "people who have been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently, because of marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardized their existence and/or seriously affected the quality of their life." Over the years the phenomenon of "climate refugees" has been discussed in public however, progress in convening a convention on this very important topic has proved futile.
Since the 1985 release of the United Nations Environmental Program's report "Environmental Refugees", social scientists, demographers, and advocacy organizations have created a developing body of research about this category of migrants and how it can fit into conventional migration theory. The UNEP's concept of environmental migration from 2007 emphasizes causality and incorporates elements of the neoclassical definition, at least in terms of push forces. According to its definition, environmental refugees are those who have been forced to leave their traditional homes, either temporarily or permanently, due to a significant environmental disruption (caused by a natural disaster or human activity) that has endangered their existence or significantly reduced the quality of their lives (UNEP, 2007). The UNEP definition does not clarify distinctions between environmental migrants and refugees or general criteria for separating them from other categories of migration. It has proven difficult for theorists to identify such a movement within mainstream migration theory because the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention does not encompass environmental deterioration as a reason to make a migration choice (Bates, 2002). According to this definition, "environmental disruption" refers to any physical, chemical, and/or biological changes to the ecosystem (or resource base) that make it either temporarily or permanently unfit to sustain human existence. However, the definition of a "climate refugee" should, according to researchers Docherty and Giannini (2009), include the following six criteria: forced migration, temporary or permanent relocation, crossing international borders, disruption caused by climate change, abrupt or gradual environmental disruption, and a "more likely than not" standard for the human contribution to the disruption. Dun and Gemenne (2008), have stated that victims of climate-induced events should be called climate migrants. They contend that communities who are uprooted solely as a result of hydrometeorological and climate-related disasters are likely forced to migrate and frequently experience hardship and economic marginalization at their new home, which should entitle them to some protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention of the UN. Because of their imminent departure and often lack of knowledge regarding the length of their stay, which may be brief, lengthy, or even permanent, these migrants have very few alternatives when choosing their destination.
The fourth IPCC report has addressed migration caused by climate change issues in two ways: drought and cyclones. Yet, the IPCC report makes no mention of forced or climatic migration as a direct result of sea-level rise (IPCC, 2007). Despite the debates on climate refugees or migrants as a result of climate change actions, Kniveton et al (2008) developed a working definition of climate change-related migration that was supported by the International Organization of Migration (IOM) in 2008. They define climate-induced migration as persons or groups of persons who, for compelling reasons of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are forced to leave their habitual homes, or choose to do so.
Several researchers have advocated for various methods to define climate refugees and achieve a long-term solution that fits within the UN 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol with a focus on placing climate change-induced or forced migration within this legal framework (Romer 2006;Fernando et al,.2010;Dun and Gemenne, 2008;Shaw et al, 2016).
However, the attempt to include persons who have been uprooted both internally and externally in the 1951 Refugee Convention has drawn criticism. There have been concerns raised about expanding the 1951 UN convention on refugees to include climate refugees for fear that doing so will divert resources from those who need the international community's assistance the most (Apap & Capucine, 2019). Another challenge with linking migration to climate change is that it is frequently not the only factor that prompts individuals to leave a location that is highly impacted. Since variables other than environment seldom affect whether or not someone moves, the line between forced and voluntary movement is unclear (Mallick & Vogt, 2013) The decision to relocate is frequently strongly influenced by an individual's or community's capability for adaptation, ability to provide opportunities for a diverse range of livelihoods, and cost. The reality of climate refugees, however challenging, is one with which we are now dealing and which will grow ever more pressing with time.
Some scholars have also noted that the phrase "climate refugees" has presented a danger to UNHCR since it drew a line between what constitutes a refugee under the 1951 Refugee Convention and other definitions (Rana & Ilina,2021;Vinke et al.,2020;Apap & Capucine, 2019;Shaw et al.,2016;). In June 2019, the IOM's chief, Dina Ionesco voiced reluctance to award climate migrants refugee status. She was concerned that recognizing climate refugees may make the 1951 Refugee Convention less effective while also denying help and support to those who had been forcibly relocated due to environmental catastrophes but were unable to provide sufficient documentation of this. Regarding whether or not climate refugees should be covered by a new treaty or convention, UNHCR contends that those uprooted by environmental change could, in theory, still rely on the protection of their national governments, unlike traditional refugees who could not because States are frequently the source of persecution, rendering an individual "unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of that country" as required by Article 1A of the 1951 Refugee Convention (Apap & Capucine, 2019). However, in practice, some areas that are frequently hit by climate disasters (most often in the global South, the main source of migration movements) struggle to recover from these calamities because they frequently overlap with pre-existing structural issues, impeding the reconstruction and return of the displaced people to their homes.  It can clearly be seen from Figure 1 that climaterelated disasters are increasing each year. Therefore, the need to consider endorsing a new, legally binding convention that aims to provide legal protection and assistance to those who have been displaced by climate change internally or externally is crucial. A regional system, like the Kampala Convention in Africa, could better represent the realities of State behavior and ideas of subsidiarity, making it preferable to imposing a top-down legal structure. Despite the lack of progress in acting legally binding instruments that safeguard the plight of many climate refugees across the globe, many governments and international organizations are now recognizing the need to address the climate migrant crisis. For example, President Joe Biden of the United States published the "Report on the Effects of Climate Change on Migration" in November 2021, marking the first time the American government formally acknowledged the connection between climate change and migration. The paper acknowledges that geopolitics, international security, instability, and war may all be significantly impacted by climate migration. Moreover, it urges the creation of plans that would make it possible to manage climate migration flows in a compassionate, secure, and proactive manner.

Climate Change and Bangladesh (Vulnerability and Exposure)
Bangladesh is a country that lies in the South of Asia with the Bay of Bengal in the South, Myanmar in the South East, and India in the West, North, and Northeast. It is a small country with a land area of 147,570 square KM and a population of more than 160 million (Rashid, 2009;BBS, 2011). Agriculture, in particular, is critical to the overall GDP of the country, and it represents one of the primary core sources of economic growth. However, in recent years, agricultural growth has been highly disappointing, with a significant fall in the sector's growth, which has concerned many stakeholders both in the country and outside. This decline has occurred primarily as a result of the rampant climate change catastrophe, and this will most likely have an impact on the achievement of major micro and macroeconomic objectives such as the generation of surplus income and employment opportunities, poverty eradication, and human resource development. It should be highlighted that a thriving agricultural sector is an essential precondition for economic progress in many developing countries. As a result, the existing and emerging negative effects of climate change and global warming pose major problems and concerns to the food security of many Bangladeshis (Rahman, 2016;Rana & Ilina, 2021;Sakapaji, 2022). The geographical position, coastline morphology, numerous rivers within, and yearly monsoon rains all contribute to a rise in climatic disasters. Furthermore, as demonstrated in prior decades and recent years, the country is extremely vulnerable to natural disasters (BBS, 2011, BCAS, 2012Mallick, 2011;Rahman, 2016, Sakapaji, 2022.

Figure 2. Map of Bangladesh in South Asia
Throughout the years, environmental degradation in Bangladesh has reached an alltime high, raising serious concerns among many stakeholders and inhabitants of the nation. These problems include inland saltwater intrusion, soil nutrient depletion, wetland damage, loss of fisheries, and deforestationrelated forest degradation. Also, the nation has seen a rise in natural calamities or disasters, such as floods, tidal surges, cyclones, and tornadoes, which have had a detrimental effect on the socioeconomic development of the nation (Mallick, 2011;MoEF, 2015). Large and rapid population growth, industrial development without adequate guidelines on industrial-related pollution, the non-regulatory use of chemicals and pesticides for agricultural use, a lack of adequate flood controls, a lack of properly designed drainage systems, inadequate land use planning, and a complete lack of ability by and among public environmental institutions to enforce environmental laws and protect the environment are some of the major factors putting pressure on the environment. Natural hazards have heightened the vulnerability of coastal inhabitants and hindered the progress of social and economic development in the southwestern areas. Floods and river erosion, cyclones and tidal surges, salinity, drought, heat waves, cold and fog, and waterlogging are among the biggest weather and climate-related calamities. The country had disastrous and extended floods in 1998, 2000, 2004, and 2007, and is presently suffering massive floods in most sections of the southwest regions (Sakapaji, 2022). Bangladesh lies on the coastal line and many researchers have projected that coastal communities of this country will be more heavily impacted by climate change-related catastrophes such as sea level rise, cyclones, and tsunamis. Today, Bangladesh's coastal regions are already experiencing climate impacts, via coastal inundation, soil salinization, and coastal erosion all of which and driving people away from their traditional lands to big cities in search of new livelihoods and this will probably increase in the near future and will negatively impact economic development and bring in new problems (Rahman, 2016, Sakapaji, 2022.

Significant country features include;
• About 10% of the country is less than one meter above sea level while one-third is under tidal excursions • 32% of the country lives near the coast, inhabiting 28% of the country's population

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There is also a vast network of rivers, channels, and flood plains.

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An enormous discharge of water heavily laden with sediments

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Many islands are within river channels and a shallow northern Bay of Bengal

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Strong tidal hubs and winds across the coastal belt
The above-listed country features along with overpopulation and the overwhelming dependence on nature, its resources, and services have made Bangladesh to be one of the most vulnerable countries susceptible to global warming and climate change impacts in Asia and the world at large (Mallick, 2011;BCAS, 2012;Rahman, 2016;Sakapaji;2022). The country is extremely sensitive to environmental and climatic conditions, which influence a vast population who solely depend on agriculture for survival. The IPCC's 2007 report highlights the environmental problem in conjunction with high population growth, high density, overdependence on agriculture, and the prospect of people relocating inside in situations of sealevel rise, storms, and floods (IPCC, 2007).
According to the findings of this study particularly in the Barisal region of Bangladesh, the continued occurrence of extreme weatherrelated occurrences such as waterlogging, seawater rise, river erosion, flash floods, cyclones, storm surges, and excessive temperatures is undoubtedly damaging the agriculture sector which the majority of people depend on. The majority of the region's impoverished locals are suffering greatly due to the impacts of climate change which have grown in both size and severity over time. Due to continuous population growth and the severity of effects emanating from climate change, persistent local problems like a lack of employment opportunities, low income, poor health, and malnutrition have now been exacerbated making life extremely difficult and unbearable for many people, especially the women, children the old, and the less privileged in the community. Furthermore, the findings of this study revealed that the unavailability of fish which many people in coastal areas depend on, riverbank erosion, waterlogging due to siltation, lack of irrigation water, flash floods, pests, and diseases, and a lack of fresh drinking water were the main issues the local people were faced with and these are tremendously changing and affecting their livelihoods including the crop and vegetable production that they solely depend on to survive. In the last two decades for example, many coastal regions in Bangladesh have seen an increase in river silting to the extent that waterlogging is trapping the local people and making it very difficult for them to survive, and in some cases, this trend could last at least for 6 months in a year affecting the livelihoods many (Sakapaji, 2022).
In addition to this are the frequent cyclones, extreme monsoons, and above-normal floods www.ejtas.com EJTAS 2023 | Volume 1 | Number 4 474 coupled with the salinity of the soils and water. These are tremendously affecting the agriculture sector especially crop production which many depend on. These climate-related impacts are exacerbating the vulnerability of these local communities, especially subsistence farmers. In the Barisal region for example the problem of flash floods, waterlogging, and salinity are destroying home latrines, homes, crops, and freshwater which is completely disrupting the way of life in this region as can be seen in figure   2. The flash floods and waterlogging periods which sometimes could last up to 6 months in a year disrupt almost everything in particular the agriculture, health, and education sectors depriving the locals of the opportunity to meet the tenets of the agenda 2030 (Sakapaji, 2022). Unemployment and inadequate food become the song of the day during this period forcing many coastal dwellers to migrate to other districts and cities especially Dhaka in search of paid employment. Bangladesh anticipates that between 25 and 30 million people may be displaced due to the consequences of climate change during the next 50 years (IDMC, 2021). Today, Bangladeshis are being compelled to relocate in order to stay above water due to the region's looming sea level rise and the region's rising frequency of rapid onset climatic calamities like floods and the disappearing coastline. People have lost both their property and their livelihoods as a result of coastal erosion brought on by more powerful storms and the incursion of saline water onto low-lying agricultural land. The river banks are eroding at an alarming rate forcing people to relocate. As a result, many internally displaced individuals are swarming to big cities such as Dhaka in search of safety, and in the last 17 years, slum populations in Bangladeshi cities have increased by approximately 60 percent (IDCM, 2021;Sakapaji, 2022). It is clear that the country's ability to accommodate such a sizable number of internally displaced persons is constrained by the demand for resources brought about by the loss of agricultural land and growing urban congestion. These displaced individuals will need to find sanctuary across international borders, and the human impacts of climate change will soon be a global issue to ponder about. It has to be also noted that people's relocation or displacement is just the beginning of a series of global political crises that will develop as a result of climate change. Food and water insecurity will affect millions of people owing to drought, the instability of important river systems throughout the world, the loss of agricultural land from sea level rise, and other factors. Moreover, climate change increases the risk of social upheaval, as recently seen in Syria, where persistent droughts caused poverty, food insecurity, and quickly unsustainable urbanization, which in turn sparked political and social turmoil. Since more people must be sustained by fewer resources, resource scarcity brought on by the negative consequences of climate change will fuel future conflict.
From this overwhelming evidence of a changing climate and its consequences on Bangladesh and other countries in South Asia, Africa, and the small island nations, it can be said that the climate change crisis can no longer remain ignored and our borders can no longer remain closed as this will likely leave those who are the least contributors and least equipped (in the global south) to face the dire consequences of climate change alone. In one of Winston Churchill's Speeches to Parliament, he states that; "The era of procrastination, of half-measures, of soothing and baffling expedience, of delays, is coming to its close, in its place we are entering a period of consequences." This statement has never been more relevant than in the present climate change political debate.
Bangladesh's coastal areas have an average elevation of less than 1.5 meters above mean sea level (MSL). According to UNFCC (2007), 1m of sea level rise (SLR) will permanently submerge about 15 million people, or 11% of the entire coastal area population, and 17,000 km2, or 18% of arable land. This makes Bangladesh one of the world's most disaster-prone countries due to its geography and high population density. According to the internal displacement monitoring center (IDMC), disasters are the leading cause of displacement in the country, especially during the June-September monsoon season when floods displace an estimated one million people each year. Every year, 110,000 people are displaced by cyclones (IDMC, 2021). It has been estimated that flash floods in Bangladesh will harm 60% of the entire population as a result of this loss of land both in the coastal areas and inland due to river erosion and river inundation will increase (Shaw et al., 2016). Additionally, 1m of sea level rise (SLR) might harm 8000 km of the roads leading to two large cities (Islam, 2001). Thus, if people's houses and land are destroyed, many in these vulnerable coastal areas will be forced to relocate to other parts of the country exerting more pressure in the new places where they will relocate. There is also a risk of major health consequences to the local people owing to water scarcity and dirty water supplies in the communities, where these people exist. Unfortunately, this is a common trend in most countries in South Asia and it has been predicted that this situation will worsen over the coming years as the South Asia region is vulnerable due to its location and lack of adaptability capacity.
In Bangladesh's population, habitation, and hydrology all have a long and tumultuous past. Because of the geography, significant rainfall, and constantly shifting patterns of river streams, people and communities have relocated throughout time as natural circumstances have altered. There is a historical record of villages that became depopulated when rivers altered their courses and the local inhabitants sought more desirable areas (Siddiqqui, 2008). Today, most individuals fleeing vulnerable coastal areas are ending up in urban slums, notably in Dhaka, one of the world's fastest-growing and densely inhabited megacities. The city is seen as the country's economic potential, but it is also currently plagued by extreme poverty, public health dangers, human trafficking, and other hazards, including its own vulnerability to flooding. Already, each year, approximately 400,000 low-income migrants arrive in Dhaka from different parts of the country, particularly the coastal regions. Today, Dhaka is teeming with individuals who left their villages because they were engulfed by rising sea levels, river inundation, droughts, or floods. It is believed that sooner or later the city will have difficulties accommodating millions of people arriving in search of better livelihoods and safety. Since 2008 the number of disasters and internally displaced persons has tremendously increased with a recent estimation of displaced people standing at 15.5 million (IDMC, 2021). Figure 4 shows internally displaced people in some South Asian countries indicating the urgency for solutions to the climate crisis and climate induced-migration in particular.
As can be seen in Figure 5 the number of disasters recorded between 2008 and 2021 is directly in relation to the number of displaced persons in Bangladesh. This increase in both disasters and displacements is expected to worsen hence the need to formulate policies that will see to it that the plight of the displaced whether internally or externally is considered and safeguarded. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) stated as early as 1990 that the largest single impact of climate change might be on human migration, with millions of people displaced due to coastline erosion, coastal floods, and agricultural disruption. Following three decades of study and scientific evidencegathering, climate change is today regarded as an existential crisis, with displacement and forced migration as one of the primary concerns that governments around the world face. With the effects of climate change and accompanying catastrophic disasters becoming more severe, a startling number of people are being displaced or compelled to move for survival as can be seen in Figure 4. However, it is important to note that in Bangladesh both the wealthy and the less fortunate view migration as a means of securing a living. Based on the migrant's social and economic network, the choice of migration destination, migration costs, and levels of rewards and dangers vary greatly Shaw et al., 2016). Despite the fact that Bangladesh's history has been marked by a continuous migration as an adaptation mechanism to changing circumstances, the intensity and magnitude of climate-related catastrophes over the years are hastening and increasing this process to the point that already-developed metropolitan centers such as Dhaka are finding it difficult to keep up (Rana & Ilina, 2021).  Figure 6 shows the main reasons why people in Bangladesh are migrating to other regions especially the metropolitan districts of Dhaka, Chattagram, Khulna, and Rajshahi. It can be seen from this figure that most of the people in Bangladesh are migrating to the cities mostly due to the lack of employment opportunities in rural places possibly due to a lack of incomegenerating activities such as agriculture. As mentioned earlier, three-quarters of Bangladesh's people depend on the agriculture sector for survival. As this sector continuously gets impacted by climate-induced catastrophes the number of economic migrants to cities such as Dhaka will continue to increase. Thus, we can say with certainty that there is a correlation between climate-induced catastrophes in rural areas of Bangladesh and economic migration to cities such as Dhaka as can be seen in figure 5. It can also be said that many people are migrating not on a permanent basis but on a temporary one, this could be partly explained as a result of the seasonal floods emanating from the monsoons and droughts which have become more frequent, severe in intensity and magnitude over the last two decades.

Migration as an Adaptation Mechanism
In terms of theorizing the idea of "migration as an adaptation mechanism" and examining the causes, drivers, variables, and dynamics of decision-making in connection to migration or displacements, the climate migration literature has relatively stalled (Khatun et al., 2021;Black et al., 2011;Mallick et al., 2021;Priovashini and Mallick, 2021;Black et al., 2013). Recent research has characterized migration as an adaptation approach or mechanism to climate change (Bettini, 2014;McLeman, 2009aMcLeman, , 2009bMcLeman & Smit, 2006), and as a formal governmental action that decreases negative consequences while providing advantages (Eriksen et al., 2015). The International Organization for Migration (IOM) played a crucial role in introducing the notion of "migration as an adaptation mechanism," which was later adopted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and the Global Compact for Migration (Vinke et al., 2020). For centuries people across the globe have been migrating to other habitable regions when their land is hit by floods, droughts, or other climaterelated catastrophes. McLeman & Smit (2006), for example, studied human movement as a possible adaptive response to hazards linked with climate change using a case study of 1930s migration patterns for crop failures due to drought and flooding in rural Eastern Oklahoma. Similarly, Cattaneo and Peri (2016) discovered that greater temperatures in middleincome economies increased migration rates to cities and foreign countries, but it decreased in impoverished nations (Rana & Ilina, 2021).
Nevertheless, the notion of "migration as a method for adaptation" has come into doubt as not all climate migrants were able to locate the same places with livable environments and resources for maladaptation . Consequently, arguing with the concept of 'migration as adaptation', Vinke et al. (2020) state that "migration does not necessarily lead to increased adaptive capacities for households in all contexts but can also have detrimental consequences, leading to increased impoverishment and deepened vulnerabilities". The average levels of economic and food security did not increase after moving to a new location, as Jacobson et al. (2019) discovered in the context of Southeast Asia. As a matter of fact, the rural-urban movement frequently drives migrants farther into poverty (McNamara et al., 2016;Mallick, 2014;Poncelet et a., 2010). In the same vein IDMC (2021), has indicated that the effects of disaster-induced migration have the potential to ruin people's usual livelihoods, raise food insecurity, disrupt children's education, and increase the risk of health concerns such as water-borne and infectious illnesses.

Consequences of Climate-Induced Migration in Dhaka -Bangladesh
Climate-induced migration primarily has negative consequences on developing countries' cities (Khan & Kraemer, 2013;Jahan, 2012;Lu, 2010;Amin, 2005). Some of these include and are not limited to the burden on urban sustainability, governance challenges, lack of social and environmental services, environmental degradation, and infrastructure shortages (Rana & Piracha, 2020, Chen, 2011Li et al., 2006). These have the potential to exert massive pressure on resource allocation, especially in developing countries where resources are scarce and decision-making is weak. Dhaka the capital city of Bangladesh is facing a significant number of human displacements for a variety of causes, many of which are to do with climate-related natural catastrophes or disasters and a big proportion of these migrants are coming from the coastal regions where the sea is rising submerging villages, schools, and farms. The increase in climate-induced migrants to cities such as Dhaka is having a huge burden on the socioeconomic and functioning of these cities. Today, the majority of climate-induced migrants in Bangladesh are targeting large cities particularly, Dhaka, Chattagram, Khulna, and Rajshahi in search of income-generating possibilities, safety, and improved lifestyles (Rina & Ilina, 2021). As a result, the country's cities are clearly vulnerable to climate-induced migration. They bear significant environmental, social, and political costs as a result of climate change or disasterinduced rural-to-urban migration. It is worth noting that when Bangladesh attained independence in 1971, the population was 91 percent rural. Yet, as the country began to diversify its economy away from agriculture and toward manufacturing and other urban sectors, cities like Dhaka expanded. Dhaka now houses about one-third of the entire population, and Dhaka's population is roughly quadruple that of the country's next three largest cities combined (Chattagram, Khulna, and Rajshahi) (BBS, 2022). The city today has a population density of 47,500 people per square kilometer (IDCM, 2021). The increase in population in Dhaka has brought with it huge consequences for the people and society at large. To begin with, the increase of climate migrants has led to an increase in slams in and around Dhaka. These slams have been poorly arranged and are hubs to a lot of socioeconomic hardships. According to a survey conducted in 2006 by CUS, NIPORT, and MEASURE Evaluation, 37% of Dhaka's urban population resides in slums. There are 13,934 urban slums in Bangladesh, and according to the census on "Slum Areas and Floating Population 2014," 24.39 percent of them are in Dhaka (BBS (BBS, 2019). Despite having a fairly big population, the city's slums only take up 5.1% of its total land area. For instance, Dhaka has a gross population density of fewer than 121 people per acre, but the slum population density is 891 people per acre, which is over seven times higher than the average for the city (Mohit, 2012).
The fast influx of migrants has an impact on the demands placed on urban infrastructure and services. This is because slums arise unintentionally in the backyards of high-rise buildings, beside rail lines, above water-logged floodplains, in ecologically hazardous locations, and on the outskirts of construction projects (McDonnell, 2019). According to some studies, just like many other slams across the globe, Dhaka's slum dwellers have restricted access to health and education, and other social amenities (Pryer, 2003;Mookherji, 2002;Kabir et al., 2000;Paul-Majumder et al., 1996). According to a World Bank report 52% of male migrant workers (aged 15 and above) are literate, compared to 33% of female migrant workers in Dhaka (World Bank, 2022). In Dhaka, less than 54% of families have access to health care, and among the poor, the ratio is even lower (World Bank 2022).
In addition to these social services, the slums have extremely limited access to other essential amenities such as infrastructure. According to studies, slum people in cities lack access to adequate environmental and social services such as housing, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, and so on (Rana & Piracha, 2020;Dana, 2011;Rana, 2011;Uddin and Baten, 2011;Islam, 2002). In Dhaka's slums, rural-urban migrants live in substandard dwellings constructed of low-quality materials where water quality has also been determined to be very poor, and supply remained highly inconsistent and insufficient (Rana & Ilina, 2021). The World Bank (2021) report indicates that 70% of Dhaka slum households live in poverty (earning less than $US 2.50 per day) and do not work. In many slums around the Dhaka area, there are high levels of poverty, prostitution, child and women trafficking, diseases, and a lack of proper sanitation and infrastructure which are all a burden to the government of Bangladesh.
With the advent of many climate-induced migrants, the Bangladesh government is and will continue to face many challenges, especially those to do with the management of the many climate-induced migrants. Today, the most difficult or rather pressing issues facing Bangladesh's government in particular the urban authorities are those to do with addressing the growth of the illegal and informal sectors and ensuring that people have access to socioeconomic services. In order to attend to the needs of the many climate-induced migrants there is a need to have robust policies in place that can be able to effectively tackle the many challenges and consequences of climate-induced migration into Bangladesh cities. Numerous studies (Hossain, 2007(Hossain, , 2010(Hossain, , 2011Rahman, 2013;Rana & Ilina, 2021) have focused on the rise of urban poverty, vulnerability, and informality in a changing climate as well as on the informal economy and the obstacles to and difficulties with urban governance that have contributed to the enormous growth of informal communities (slums) in Bangladesh cities (Rana & Piracha, 2018;Rahman, 2013;Hossain, 2012). Furthermore, while examining the poor water supply system in an informal community (slum) in Dhaka, Hossain (2011) discovered that the public utility service lacks regulatory guidelines for decision-making by any statutory institutions and is politically rationalized on the location and individual interests of actors in the system. All these studies have shown the nonfunctioning of government regulatory institutions and have all leaned toward the establishment of effective institutions of governance that can play an important role in finding workable solutions to these existing and emerging challenges of climate-induced migrants.

Policy Solutions to the Challenges of Climate-Induced Migration -Bangladesh Context
To gain a better understanding of migration and displacement, it is important to consider the impacts emanating from a changing climate. This includes analyzing the effects of permanent migration, temporary displacement, and immobility after a disaster. Spatial and temporal data on these categories is crucial for informing urban policy measures. Studies by Vinke (2019) and Renaud et al. (2011) provide valuable insights. Black et al. (2013) also highlight the importance of such data for policy-making. Several studies over the years have not only outlined and evaluated the issues facing slum communities but have also offered recommendations for remedies. For instance, Choguill (1988) in his key work on informal housing in Dhaka, suggests an inter-sectoral strategy for development where the lowering and re-directing of migrant flow from Dhaka to other parts of the country must be a part of the answer to housing scarcity, the high poverty levels, and the sanitation concerns currently being experienced in the city. Rahman (2005Rahman ( , 2002Rahman ( , 2001) draws attention to the topic of eviction from slums in relation to human rights, as well as the challenges and potential of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) engagement in addressing issues with informal housing. Through the engagement of NGOs and the provision of secure land tenure, he advises that the government of Bangladesh acknowledge the human rights of the underprivileged and in slum development. Habib (2009) investigates how the government and NGOs might improve slum conditions. Begum and Moinuddin (2010) highlight the issue of social exclusion and study its relationship with informal housing in Dhaka. Paul (2006) studies a case of slum eviction in Dhaka and investigates how the dread of eviction affects the lives of the informal urban poor. Hossain (2012) evaluates the possibilities of the partnership method in the building of sanitary facilities for the urban poor in Bangladesh. Rana & Piracha (2018) discuss the complications of a community-based water delivery system in a Dhaka slum, with the optimism that a good community management system will still bring success. In another work, Rana & Piracha (2020) emphasize the local sociopolitical and bureaucratic challenges in participatory water governance. Furthermore, they discovered that disproportionate representations of actors in participation have the potential to impede the successful implementation of community-based water supply in the slums of Dhaka (Rana & Piracha, 2020).
All in all, the urban policies in Bangladesh should place greater emphasis on addressing the vulnerabilities caused by migration by focusing on secondary cities, in order to achieve a balanced and equitable distribution of these vulnerabilities. Moreover, urban policies should adopt a holistic planning approach that considers challenges at the individual, neighborhood, regional, and national levels, rather than solely focusing on the challenges faced by vulnerable communities. Consequently, a multi-scalar framework is necessary to analyze climate-induced migration issues and provide appropriate solutions. In order to safeguard the human rights of climate migrants, it is imperative to develop low-income housing programs within urban areas. It is worth noting that many developing countries, including Bangladesh, currently lack policies addressing this issue (McNamara et al., 2016). This presents an additional area of research interest, which involves designing and planning urban housing landscapes that cater to the needs of low-income urban dwellers, who are predominantly maladaptive climate migrants (Vinke, 2019). In this context, the application of the 'entitlement approach' concept (Sen, 1981) may prove valuable in explaining why climate migrants often face socio-political differentiation and neglect within urban environments.
Furthermore, an efficient institutional and legal framework for managing land development and minimizing unlawful and informal urban land occupation is required. Climate migrants now lack legal rights to the land they inhabit in Bangladesh and other poor countries, underscoring the need for a broad revolutionary approach to land management. As a result, further study is needed to investigate the transformational approach to land management for urban poor communities, which challenges current adaptive or top-down decision-making techniques. Moreover, effectively addressing the migration crisis in Bangladesh necessitates government intervention in the relocation of environmental refugees within and between cities and regions. Recognizing that a significant proportion of climate migrants are motivated by economic factors, it becomes imperative to develop a forward-looking plan for relocating them to suitable destinations, such as closer to their places of origin or to secondary/small cities with lower migration impacts. This paper acknowledges the importance of good governance in managing climate-induced migration, both in rural and urban areas. It argues that achieving resilient cities is contingent upon adequate consideration of rural resilience. This aligns with the assertion made by Satterthwaite et al. (2007) that successful and well-governed cities effectively mitigate climaterelated risks for low-income populations, whereas unsuccessful and poorly governed cities fail to do so and may even exacerbate such risks.

Local, Regional, and Global Policy Recommendations for Tackling the Climate-Induced Migration Crisis
Addressing the challenges of climate-induced migration requires comprehensive policy solutions that consider both the immediate needs of displaced populations and long-term strategies to mitigate and adapt to climate change. The following are some of the immediate needs and long-term strategies that global governments can implement to tackle the climate refugee crisis.

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International Cooperation: Encourage international cooperation to address climate change and its impact on migration. This involves fostering collaboration between countries, sharing knowledge and best practices, and establishing agreements to assist and protect climate migrants.
• Climate Change Mitigation: Implement policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and limit the extent of climate change. This includes transitioning to renewable energy sources, promoting energy efficiency, and adopting sustainable agricultural practices. Mitigating climate change can help prevent or reduce the severity of displacement.

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Climate Adaptation Measures: Invest in climate adaptation measures to enhance the resilience of communities and reduce the need for migration. This can involve measures such as building climate-resilient infrastructure, implementing early warning systems for natural disasters, and supporting sustainable livelihoods in vulnerable regions.

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Disaster Risk Reduction: Implement policies that focus on disaster risk reduction and preparedness. This includes strengthening infrastructure, improving early warning systems, and establishing effective emergency response mechanisms. By reducing the impacts of climaterelated disasters, migration may be prevented or minimized.

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Humanitarian Assistance: Provide adequate humanitarian assistance to climate migrants and displaced populations. This includes ensuring access to food, water, healthcare, shelter, and psychosocial support and protection for vulnerable groups, such as women, children, and the elderly.

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Legal and Policy Frameworks: Develop comprehensive legal and policy frameworks that address the specific challenges faced by climate migrants. This includes recognizing climate-induced migration as a distinct category within national and international laws, ensuring the protection of migrants' rights, and establishing procedures for their orderly and dignified relocation.
• Education and Awareness: Promote education and awareness programs to enhance understanding of climate change and its impact on migration. This can involve integrating climate change and migration topics into school curricula, conducting public awareness campaigns, and providing training for policymakers, government officials, and community leaders.

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Sustainable Development: Support sustainable development in regions vulnerable to climate change. This includes investing in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic opportunities, with a focus on creating resilient and inclusive communities. By improving living conditions, migration pressures can be reduced.

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Climate Finance: Increase financial resources for climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts. This includes mobilizing funds through international mechanisms such as the Green Climate Fund and supporting climaterelated projects in developing countries. Adequate funding is crucial for implementing effective policies and supporting climate migrants.
• Data and Research: Improve data collection and research on climate-induced migration to inform evidence-based policymaking. This includes monitoring migration patterns, understanding the drivers of migration, and assessing the impacts of climate change. Reliable data can help policymakers develop targeted and effective solutions.
It is worth noting that these policy solutions should be implemented in a coordinated and holistic manner, recognizing the interconnectedness of climate change, migration, and sustainable development. Collaboration between governments, international organizations, civil society, and affected communities is crucial to effectively address the challenges of climate-induced migration.

Conclusion
In conclusion, climate-induced migration is rapidly becoming a global norm due to the escalating impacts of climate change, as evidenced by the case study of Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, climate-related disasters compel people to migrate, primarily from coastal areas to urban centers. The decision to migrate is often a result of immediate climate-induced catastrophes. It is important to recognize that climate-induced migration not only affects the migrants themselves but also has significant social and economic implications for the entire country.
The escalating number of individuals displaced by extreme climate events as revealed in this study is a stark reminder of the devastating consequences of climate change. As temperatures rise and extreme events become more frequent and severe, vulnerable populations will be forced to flee their homes, exacerbating their already precarious circumstances as can be observed from the Bangladesh case study. Unfortunately, the international response to this crisis has been largely inadequate, with limited attention and protection provided to those affected. It is for this reason that the current study emphasizes the importance of recognizing climate refugee status within the UN system and calls upon governments and policymakers worldwide to take immediate action. Effective policy mechanisms must be developed to safeguard the rights of climate refugees and ensure their inclusion and care, both within their home countries and abroad. As can be seen in this study, the lack of comprehensive policy guidelines at both the international and national levels, including in Bangladesh, has hindered effective responses to the challenges posed by climate refugees. It is therefore crucial for policymakers to acknowledge the intricate dynamics of this phenomenon. By doing so, they can develop proactive strategies that address the challenges and seize the opportunities associated with climate-induced migration. This approach will require comprehensive policy frameworks that encompass measures for protecting and supporting climate refugees while also considering the broader social and economic impacts on the receiving communities. With integrated policies and international cooperation, societies can mitigate the adverse impacts and create more sustainable, resilient, and inclusive communities in the face of a changing climate.
This research study emphasizes the crucial role of governments in formulating proactive policies, fostering international cooperation, and protecting the rights of those affected. By adopting comprehensive and inclusive approaches, countries can navigate the challenges posed by climate-induced migration and build resilient and sustainable societies for the future. Furthermore, this research has provided an overview of the causes, consequences, and policy implications of climate-induced migration. The findings of this study shed light on the pressing issue of the climate-induced refugee crisis, highlighting its local, national, regional, and global impact and the urgent need for comprehensive solutions. In addition, this research study has offered valuable insights into climate change impacts, vulnerability, adaptation, and resilience-building. It underscores the need for a multidimensional approach that combines scientific knowledge, social awareness, and policy development to tackle the climate refugee crisis effectively. As the findings reveal, the climate refugee crisis in Bangladesh and many other countries across the globe is an ongoing and escalating challenge that is becoming a normal phenomenon but demands urgent attention and action. It is imperative for governments, international organizations, and individuals to collectively address this challenge, provide adequate support to affected populations, and work together towards sustainable solutions that mitigate the impact of climate change.
Finally, this study highlights the responsibility of governments and policymakers across the globe to prioritize the development of effective policies and mechanisms that ensure the wellbeing and security of climate refugees, both now and in the future. Thus, it can be stated that only through concerted efforts and international cooperation can we strive towards a more just and resilient world where the plight of climateinduced migrants is effectively addressed from the local to regional and global scales.

Acknowledgment
I would like to thank and show my sincere appreciation to all the stakeholders that participated in this research study especially the local researchers in Dhaka, and the many climate migrants who took their time to answer the many questions I had for them. Special thanks also go to the University of Dhaka Graduate School of Geography and the Environment, the Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI), the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), and the entire management of the Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS) for their unequivocal help in data collection and guidance on where, how, and what materials and information was necessary for the execution of this research study.
Furthermore, I am deeply grateful to the numerous climate migrants who generously shared their time and experiences, providing invaluable information that formed the basis of this research. Their willingness to participate and answer the many questions posed to them was crucial in shedding light on the realities of climate-induced migration.
Once again, I extend my heartfelt thanks to all the stakeholders involved in this research study. Your contributions have been instrumental in advancing our understanding of climate-induced migration and its implications.